Archive for May 2012
Drunken Driver Checkpoint Will be Set up Friday Night in East Jefferson — Metairie DWI Attorney
Metairie DWI DUI Attorney
Elizabeth B. Carpenter, Esq. — DWI Attorney Metairie
Drunken Driver Checkpoint
Will be Set up Friday Night in East Jefferson
Sheriff’s deputies will be looking for drivers who are under the influence or not wearing a seatbelt Friday night in East Jefferson. Anyone drinking and driving will immediately be arrested.
A checkpoint will be set up in an “undisclosed location,” on the east bank, according to a press release from the Sheriff’s Office.
The goal of the checkpoint is to reduce injuries and fatalities related to drinking and driving. Deputies will be at the checkpoint between 8 p.m. and 2 a.m.
Motorists are warned to have a designated driver if they will be drinking during the evening and always remember to use their seat belts.
Attorney Elizabeth B Carpenter
Ms. Carpenter has defended nearly every kind of Drinking and Driving case Imaginable. It is very important to consult a New Orleans DWI Defense Attorney immediately after a DWI arrest to preserve your driving privileges. DWI arrests are based solely on officers’ subjective opinions and machines used to measure blood alcohol content can be unreliable, especially when not administered properly. Therefore, DWI defense is very complicated and involves an intricate understanding of the scientific as well as the legal issues. Ms. Carpenter has completed courses on NHTSA DWI Detection and Field Sobriety Testing and the breath testing machine known as the Intoxilyzer 5000. These are the same courses law enforcement must take. This level of dedication to the defense of DWI charges helps Ms. Carpenter challenge the common errors that police officers make when arresting citizens for DWI in the New Orleans area. Sometimes, these errors form enough evidence to have the entire case dismissed.
Hundreds of Louisiana Prisoners Wait for Governor to Decide on Pardons — Part 5 of 7 Part Series
Louisiana Is The World’s Prison Capital
Criminal Defense Attorney New Orleans
Elizabeth B. Carpenter, Esq. – Serving clients in Orleans, Jefferson, Terrebonne, Tangipahoa, St. Bernard, St. Charles, St. Tammany, St. John, Assumption and Plaquemines Parishes.
PART 6
PART 7
No Way Out: Hundreds of Pardon Applications
Gather Dust on the Governor’s Desk

BATON ROUGE — Shelby Arabie is a killer. That is not in dispute. Twenty-seven years ago, he fired the gun that killed Benny Posey after a high-speed chase that sprang from a botched marijuana deal. Arabie is also, in the opinion of Warden Burl Cain and many others, perhaps the most rehabilitated man in the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola – a model inmate who has turned his life around, learned a trade and prepared himself about as well as one can for life as a free man.
But ever since the five-member Louisiana Pardon Board voted unanimously last August to make Arabie eligible for parole, he joined a growing subset in Louisiana’s criminal justice system.
Arabie is now among several hundred felons — the vast majority of whom have already served their time and been released — whose pardon recommendations are waiting on the desk of Gov. Bobby Jindal.
Since January 2008, the Pardon Board has sent 450 pardon recommendations to Jindal. As of early May, he had signed 36 and rejected 36, leaving the rest in limbo. Only one of Jindal’s pardons has gone to a person still behind bars.
Gov. Kathleen Blanco, by contrast, signed 285 of the 331 pardon recommendations that reached her desk during her four-year term. Of Blanco’s 285 pardons, 87 went to prisoners, either shortening their terms or setting them immediately free. Blanco’s predecessor, Republican Mike Foster, signed 460 pardons during his eight years in office, with the vast majority coming in his second term when he was a lame duck.
Jindal, in an October interview, said he reviews each pardon request that reaches him, stressing that the Pardon Board’s recommendation is just that: a recommendation.
“Our philosophy is that nobody that comes before the board or comes to the governor’s office is automatically entitled to a pardon,” Jindal said. “We think the law purposely sets up a multistep process to allow for careful deliberation.”
Some longtime observers and critics of the pardon process say it is largely broken, a casualty of political pressures and public attitudes toward the incarcerated. Some wonder what the Pardon Board and its members’ $36,000 annual salaries are good for if the governor so rarely takes its recommendations.
Joe Raspanti, a Metairie lawyer who has represented dozens of pardon seekers through the years, said Jindal’s reluctance to grant relief is discouraging.
“I’ve become more selective in taking the cases, because I don’t know that I can give people what they’re expecting,” Raspanti said. “A lot of these people, I know they can’t get help and it’s sad.”
Pardons have little effect on the incarceration rate, since they are meant for extraordinary cases. Even if Jindal signed more pardons, Louisiana would still lock up a higher percentage of its citizens than any other state. But pardons provide an important safety valve as well as a ray of hope.
In a state with unusually tough sentencing laws, pardons are the only way out for some prisoners. All Louisiana life sentences are handed down without parole, and Louisiana leads the nation in the percentage of its inmates serving life without parole.
The state Parole Board, which deals with a much higher volume of cases — about 2,000 a year — has also become stingier. Pardons are executive acts of clemency, while paroles are early releases routinely granted to inmates who have met certain criteria and are judged to pose little risk to society. Paroles do not require the governor’s signature. Since 2003, the percentage of applicants granted parole has decreased from about 60 percent to 30 percent.
In Louisiana’s system of justice, the avenues for mercy have become increasingly narrow.
Rules Have Changed
The pardon system in Louisiana had undergone big changes long before Jindal took office in 2008.

A generation ago, many applications came from prisoners and the method for winning freedom was widely viewed as corrupt. In the 1970s and ’80s, felons who had the means to hire law firms with close connections to the governor’s office stood a good chance of gaining the “gold seal” of clemency, according to Burk Foster, a retired professor of criminal justice who wrote a 1985 article on the subject.
A 1979 investigation by The Times-Picayune found that the law firm of then-Gov. Edwin Edwards’ executive counsel had handled more cases before the board than any other and enjoyed a success rate far above other firms.
These days the rules have changed, and it has become tougher for incarcerated criminals to even win a hearing before the board. The bar for winning a pardon recommendation has been raised, from a majority vote to a supermajority.
Meanwhile, appointments to the Pardon Board, which come with a $36,000 annual salary for less than one week per month of actual work, remain sought-after political plums. The chairman makes $42,000.
“It’s a highly political deal,” said Larry Clark, an Alexandria florist who has served continuously on the Pardon Board since being appointed in 1992 by Gov. Edwin Edwards.
Clark and his fellow board members may soon be facing an increased workload. A proposal to merge the Pardon Board with the Parole Board was endorsed by the state Sentencing Commission and is on the verge of passing the Legislature. Pardon members would retain their current salaries and duties while also taking on the work now done by the Parole Board.
Today, much of the Pardon Board’s time is spent reviewing applicants who have already served their sentences and are hoping to have their records scrubbed clean so they can pass a security clearance or get a better job.
Clark said the change is largely because of the public’s attitude that tough punishment is the best way to attack crime and the growing influence of victims’ rights groups.
“Over time, the victims groups have played a very important role in presenting their case … which has affected the votes of all the board members,” Clark said. “If it’s a bad case, why stir everyone up?”
Meanwhile, the wave of new security precautions approved by state and federal authorities after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks made it tougher to find employment in many fields for people with a felony on their record.
“The terrorism deal forced a lot of people to try to come back to get a pardon and get that off their record,” Clark said.
Of the 36 pardons Jindal has granted, just one went to someone who was actually in prison. Wesley Dick, pardoned in 2009, was among a dwindling number of felons serving a life sentence at Angola for heroin offenses under a law that has since been repealed.
About a dozen heroin lifers, all from the New Orleans area, have received thumbs-ups from the Pardon Board but remain behind bars, awaiting the governor’s signature.
Joseph Sandoval is one of those inmates serving life without parole on a heroin charge. Now 34 and in his 11th year at Angola, Sandoval will soon graduate from the prison’s Bible college.
Ed McIntyre, a relative and owner of the Mr. Ed’s chain of restaurants in Jefferson Parish, told the Pardon Board in 2009 that Sandoval has a job waiting for him if he is ever released. The board gave Sandoval a positive recommendation, but his application is languishing on Jindal’s desk along with many others.
Trying to Clean up Records
Dana Jackson, 34, is also a model inmate at Angola, an auto-mechanics instructor and a mentor to young offenders in the re-entry program. He was sentenced to life without parole for heroin distribution in 1999, at age 21. On Oct. 20, 2009, the Pardon Board recommended that Jackson’s life sentence be commuted, along with Sandoval’s and that of another Jefferson Parish heroin lifer, Lakyia Skinner. All three men are still waiting.
Blanco, Jindal’s predecessor, commuted the life sentences of 30 heroin offenders, making them eventually eligible for parole. Nine of those pardons came in 2006, before she announced she would not seek re-election.
“He’s busy being a candidate, traveling a lot, visiting Washington, D.C.,” said Sandoval’s mother, Lucy Sandoval, of Jindal. “He needs to have mercy on these kids, these young men, and give them a chance to be with their families. He needs to put rapists and criminals over there, not kids with an addiction.”
On the humid August morning when Arabie asked for his freedom, the Pardon Board docket was crowded with people like Terrence Fedele, given a one-year suspended sentence in 2002 for illegal narcotics sales and possession of hydrocodone.
Nearly a decade later, Fedele was married and helping to raise a stepdaughter. He wanted a pardon so he could get clearance to work in the ports.
It took the board members just a few seconds to decide, by a unanimous 5-0 vote, that Fedele deserved a pardon recommendation. They did the same for Christopher James Bellard, of Lake Charles, convicted in 2001 on two counts of simple burglary after throwing bricks through some car windows.
Jessie Gross of Ponchatoula, who spent a year behind bars for selling $20 worth of crack cocaine in 1990, also got a pardon. He owns a trucking business, but the work is starting to take a physical toll and he would like to get hired by the School Board as a bus driver. He also would like to own a firearm.
Marie Ann Terrell of West Monroe was not as lucky. A former heroin addict whose criminal record includes robbery and prostitution charges in California, Terrell was given a 50-year sentence after she helped carry out a 1980 bank robbery in Plain Dealing that netted more than $100,000. She has been out of prison since 2004, but her parole won’t expire until 2033.
She told the board that she’s had trouble finding work, having toiled on and off as a cook since her release. She wants her record cleared so she can work in a nursing home.
It took the board less than three minutes, meeting behind closed doors in executive session, to decide that Terrell hadn’t been free long enough to earn a pardon recommendation.
“I think you’re on the right path. I just think you need a little more time,” Clark explained. The vote to deny was unanimous.
‘Not the Same Man’
It was Arabie, however, who was the main attraction.
In September 1984, Arabie was 21 years old, an electrical lineman who sold pot on the side. He made arrangements to sell 10 pounds of the drug to two men from Meridian, Miss., for $9,000.
Benny Posey and his accomplices had a different plan in mind when they met Arabie and his business partner at the Butte La Rose exit off Interstate 10. They pistol-whipped Arabie and stole his drugs, leaving the two men tied up along the side of the road.
Arabie and his partner soon made it back to their automobile, beginning a high-speed chase down I-10 toward Baton Rouge. At the bottom of an off-ramp, the van carrying Posey suddenly stalled. As Posey fled the vehicle, Arabie fired a single shot from his 9 mm semi-automatic handgun, killing Posey at a distance of 22 yards.
Decades later, recounting the fateful moment, Arabie wrote that he “was motivated by fear … quite literally, I was scared out of my wits. I imagined that he would exit that van in a volley of gunfire. How could I have thought otherwise?”
If shooting at Posey was Arabie’s first critical mistake, his second error was rejecting a pretrial plea bargain that would have put him in prison for manslaughter and, in all likelihood, made him a free man after five years. Arabie decided to take his chances at trial. He was convicted of second-degree murder and began serving life without parole on Nov. 5, 1985.
Arabie was an unruly inmate at first. He was written up 32 times in his first few years. In 1988, he escaped from the Louisiana State Police Barracks and fled to the Florida Keys.
But by the mid-1990s, he began to turn his life around. He earned a GED diploma and certification as a computer technician, becoming a leader in Angola’s vo-tech programs. He is now a master mechanic and a mentor to his fellow inmates. After Hurricane Katrina, he was part of a select crew entrusted to help fix broken water pumps in New Orleans.
As time went on, just about everyone connected with the case — except the prosecutor — began to think that Arabie had served enough time.
“I was of the opinion then, as his trial judge, that the maximum penalty he should have received was 21 years of confinement,” the judge, L.J. Hymel, wrote in a letter to the board.
Benny Posey’s family was no less convinced that his killer had been punished enough.
“Shelby Arabie is not the same man he was on Sept. 20, 1984,” Ashley Posey, Benny Posey’s daughter, told the board. “I ask that you give him hope.”
Chris Van Way, whose wife was a high school classmate of Arabie’s, told the board that Arabie has a job waiting for him at his company, J.P. Oil Holdings in Bakersfield, Calif., should he be released.
Finally there was Cain, the Angola warden, who said Arabie was just the third inmate he has ever recommended for a pardon. He called Arabie an inspiration to his fellow inmates, a daily example that rehabilitation is possible even for those serving a life sentence.
“It’s about a life that’s well-lived in circumstances that would tend to break people down,” Cain said.
It took the Pardon Board less than five minutes, meeting behind closed doors, to recommend to the governor that Arabie’s life sentence be reduced to 40 years plus good-time credit, which would make him immediately eligible for parole.
Eight months later, Arabie continues to wait for the governor’s signature.
Powerful Interests Obstruct to Reforming the State’s Draconian Sentencing Laws — Part 4 of a 7 Part Series
Louisiana Is The World’s Prison Capital
Criminal Defense Attorney New Orleans
Elizabeth B. Carpenter, Esq. – Serving clients in Orleans, Jefferson, Terrebonne, Tangipahoa, St. Bernard, St. Charles, St. Tammany, St. John, Assumption and Plaquemines Parishes.
PART 6
PART 7
Prison Sentence Reform Efforts Face Tough
Opposition in the Legislature

There was optimism in the air on the chilly day in January 2011 when Gov. Bobby Jindal announced an ambitious effort to overhaul Louisiana’s sentencing laws. A bipartisan cross-section of law enforcement leaders surrounded the governor in the Capitol’s fourth-floor conference room. Sheriffs, district attorneys and judges were there. So were leaders of the state House and Senate, along with good-government groups and national criminal justice experts.
For the first time in a decade, a political consensus was emerging that it was time to reduce Louisiana’s highest-in-the-nation incarceration rate. In the past two decades, the state’s prison population has more than doubled, with one of every 86 residents serving time.
Weeks later, the 22-member state Sentencing Commission, revived by Jindal after years of dormancy, produced a package of bills aimed at tackling some of the key factors driving the increase, including long sentences for nonviolent crimes and large numbers of offenders being sent back to prison for violations of parole or probation.
The five bills would eventually pass and get signed by the governor, but only after the most important parts — the ones that would have actually reduced prison sentences — were removed under pressure from sheriffs and district attorneys.
This year, though, two of the commission’s failed measures from the previous year were revived and have progressed smoothly through the Legislature, with Jindal’s backing. The measures are unlikely to have a substantial effect on the incarceration rate, and the cost savings will not be immediately apparent, but their passage provides a ray of hope for reformers.
Even as prison populations have strained the state budget and prompted fiscal conservatives to join liberals in calling for changes, the political calculus in Louisiana has evolved slowly since a series of tough sentencing laws in the 1970s, ’80s and ’90s bloated the state’s inmate counts.
If anything, the balance has remained tilted toward law enforcement. After a prison-building boom in the 1990s, Louisiana sheriffs now house more than half of inmates serving state time — by far the nation’s highest percentage in local prisons. Their financial stake in the prison system means they will lose money if sentences are shortened. They typically house the same drug pushers, burglars and other nonviolent offenders who will be the likely targets of any serious efforts to change the system.
“The three easiest votes for a legislator are against taxes, against gambling and to put someone in jail for the rest of their lives,” said state Sen. Danny Martiny, R-Kenner, a veteran policymaker who has led the judiciary committees in both the House and Senate.
Still, reformers are not giving up. They vow to chip away at Louisiana’s prison problem, one small-scale measure at a time. The success this year of the Jindal-backed bills is a sign that the climate might be shifting slightly, prompted to some extent by a state fiscal crisis.
“Given the differences we had last session with the sheriffs and the DAs, where we ended up unwittingly at an impasse, we had an incredibly great session with the sheriffs and the DAs,” said Judge Fredericka Wicker of the 5th Circuit Court of Appeal, who has been a leader on the Sentencing Commission, of this year’s deliberations. “There was a strong sense from both groups that they agreed with the entire package.”
Critical Support
Ellis “Pete” Adams has seen attempts at sentencing reform come and go in the 35 years since he became head of the Louisiana District Attorneys Association. At least four or five sentencing commissions, maybe a half-dozen, have convened — he can’t recall the exact number. The results of those long-forgotten efforts sit in a file cabinet in his spacious office, their recommendations rarely enacted.
“It usually arises (and) gets momentum when there are fiscal problems,” Adams said. “That’s when the confluence of conservative and liberal thinkers happens. The push for reducing the cost of corrections meets with the liberal view that, you know, our correction system is too harsh.”
That was certainly the case in January 2011, when Louisiana was facing a $1.6 billion budget shortfall and the Jindal administration was looking for ways to cut costs. The governor had made no secret of his desire to reduce recidivism and get incarceration costs under control, but to that point there had been little action.
“Certainly, it makes sense for us as a state to be reducing our recidivism rate and focusing and prioritizing our resources,” Jindal said late last year.
The Sentencing Commission’s current incarnation was designed from the start to be different than its predecessors. Past commissions have sometimes been dominated by outside groups with plenty of proposals for change but little idea of what could realistically get through the Legislature. They left behind well-meaning reports that now are mostly forgotten.
“You had basically reformer-types who were driving the recommendations, and whatever they would recommend, there really wasn’t enough stakeholder input and buy-in for the Legislature to pass those things,” Adams said.
In the newly formed commission, sheriffs, district attorneys, judges, victims advocates, public defenders and key legislators all had a voice.
By working through policy differences at the commission level, supporters hoped any bills that emerged would have enough momentum to convince recalcitrant lawmakers that they wouldn’t be punished politically for votes an opponent might characterize as being soft on crime.
There was good reason to get sheriffs and district attorneys on board early. Veterans of earlier efforts said it’s virtually impossible to get anything through the Legislature without support from those two critical groups.
“It’s not going to work if you have the DA association in an opposing role,” said former state Sen. Donald Cravins, an Opelousas Democrat who led efforts to revamp the state’s juvenile justice system in the early 2000s. “And the sheriffs’ association likewise. (Otherwise) you will never resolve it.”
That was the spirit in which the Sentencing Commission began its work. “The agreement we have with DAs and sheriffs (is) ‘We’re going to work together and we’re all going to support what comes out of the Sentencing Commission,’â” Jindal said.
Legislative Setback
Working on a compressed timetable with the 2011 spring session approaching, the panel decided against tackling some of the more volatile issues and instead settled on a package of five bills dealing with parole, good-time credits and home incarceration.
To carry the most far-reaching measures, the commission tapped state Rep. Joseph Lopinto, R-Metairie, who had arrested hundreds of suspected criminals as a Jefferson Parish sheriff’s deputy and later helped prosecute them as an assistant district attorney.
“The bottom line is, if locking everybody up and throwing away the key works, then we should have the lowest crime rate in the United States,” Lopinto said. “We don’t. So then you have to really look at your policies. In my opinion, it’s strictly a fiscal issue.”
One of Lopinto’s proposals was intended to reduce the number of nonviolent, low-risk offenders in prison by speeding parole eligibility. Nonviolent felons made up 82 percent of the 17,223 admissions to Louisiana prisons in 2009, and Lopinto’s original bill would have required first- and second-time offenders to be considered for parole after serving 25 percent of their sentences, down from as much as 50 percent.
Third-time offenders, who currently are not eligible for parole, would have been eligible after serving half of their sentences.
Another Lopinto measure was aimed at simplifying the “good time” provisions that allow inmates to reduce their sentences by behaving themselves behind bars. Critics complained that the current laws were a confusing patchwork that made it difficult for judges and prosecutors — let alone inmates and their families — to determine how much time needed to be served.
As the 2011 bill was originally drafted, it would have simplified the formula and changed it so that nonviolent offenders had to serve a minimum of 40 percent of their sentence, down from 46 percent, before they could be considered for good-time parole.
To be more palatable to the Legislature, both bills were designed to apply only to future offenders. Prisoners who were already locked up would have to live by the old rules.
Thus, the projected savings were small at first: The parole bill would have saved $6 million in the first year but more than $75 million over 10 years. The good-time bill was projected to save $4 million initially but $253 million over the course of a decade — money that would come from reducing the number of nonviolent, low-risk inmates serving time in local prisons.
Nevertheless, the parole bill quickly ran into trouble. Days after the session got under way in late April 2011, the District Attorneys Association voted to oppose the measure. As a result, the governor’s office quickly sent word that it could not support the bill and would consider a veto if it reached Jindal’s desk.
Just like that, the political cover the Sentencing Commission was designed to provide had largely vanished.
By the time the parole bill got to the Senate floor during last year’s spring session, it had been stripped of its original cost savings and only applied to first-time offenders — a fraction of those the commission had hoped to address.
Adams, the district attorneys’ lobbyist, said a “communications problem” was to blame and that the group had never agreed to support Lopinto’s bill if second- and third-time offenders were included.
“As late as when the bill got to the Senate, we had the lobbyist for the Sentencing Commission telling folks that the DAs had supported that earlier. That had never happened,” Adams said.
A similar fate befell the good-time bill, only this time it was the Louisiana Sheriffs’ Association that put up the roadblock.
With the governor’s staff indicating that a veto might be coming if law enforcement wasn’t on board, Lopinto quickly agreed to shelve the formula changes and thus any potential savings that would come from shorter sentences.
The turnabout surprised everyone, including Corrections Secretary Jimmy LeBlanc. “We thought we had consensus when we went,” LeBlanc said.
Last-Minute Surprise
Wicker and other key Sentencing Commission members were determined to avoid misunderstandings this time around.
After a yearlong series of public meetings and painstaking word-by-word edits, the commission’s 2012 legislative package appeared to have every interest group’s stamp of approval.
Perhaps for that reason, the eight proposed bills were less far-reaching than 2011′s relatively modest package. Taken together, the 2012 measures would not make much of a dent in the prison population or result in substantial cost savings.
Still, they were tiny steps away from Louisiana’s airtight tough-on-crime stance and toward more discretion for prosecutors and judges.
Then, at the February meeting where the commission was to finalize the package, a Jindal aide spoke up. The aide, Cloyce Clark, had attended all the previous meetings and even helped draft some of the legislation. Suddenly, he was pushing for changes that had not been vetted by commission members.
Clark wanted to kill a proposal to remove attempted crimes from the list of violent crimes requiring enhanced sentences. Another proposal would have allowed prosecutors to seek sentences below the mandatory minimum for all but the most serious crimes — an option that is unlikely to be exercised often but that allows for leniency in unusual cases. Clark asked that all violent crimes and sex crimes, not just the most serious, be excluded.
After heated debate and a few dissenting votes, the commission complied with both requests.
In fact, the most significant proposals to be associated with the commission in 2012 are versions of last year’s parole and good-time bills, which are not officially part of this year’s package but are considered to have the commission’s endorsement. Lopinto introduced the measures with the backing of the governor and the Department of Corrections once it was clear that the sheriffs and district attorneys would stand down.
The Political Will
George Steimel, a veteran lobbyist for the Louisiana Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, said the lack of progress in 2011 was a failure of political will.
“We know where the money-savers are. We know how to reduce the population,” Steimel said, discussing the reform package’s failure last year. “It’s the political will to do it, and that’s what failed this session.”
Martiny, the Kenner senator, said it’s hard to blame legislators, who are elected by the same voters who put the district attorneys and sheriffs in office. He cited his own efforts, earlier in the decade, to pass a series of changes to Louisiana’s troubled juvenile-justice system. Then, as now, it took months of careful negotiations to get DAs on board before his colleagues felt comfortable.
“If you give a legislator the opportunity to go either with the Innocence Project or with their DA, guess what? They’re going to vote with their DA,” Martiny said.
Still, veteran lawmakers say the political equation at the Capitol has shifted somewhat since the early 1990s, when crime rates were peaking, the victims-rights movement was in its heyday, and lawmakers were in a rush to pass mandatory minimum sentences.
The convening of the Sentencing Commission, at Jindal’s behest, was one sign of a new openness to reform. There are other signs that the mood might be changing at the Capitol and that lawmakers might be able to reduce sentences without the feared political repercussions.
Signs of Change
The revamped parole and good-time bills have sailed through the Legislature this session after Jindal agreed to support them and the law enforcement lobbies agreed not to oppose them.
One bill, which increases the rate of good-time accrual for nonviolent offenders, was signed by the governor last week, at a potential cost savings of $2,000 to $5,000 per offender.
Another bill makes second-time offenders eligible for parole after serving 33 percent of their sentences instead of the current 50 percent. It awaits the governor’s signature after passing the House and Senate by large margins.
The two measures apply only to people sentenced after Aug. 1, 2012. Any impact on the incarceration rate, the state budget and the sheriffs’ prison operations will be years down the road. But their easy journey through the legislative process thus far may signal some cracks in the tough-on-crime wall.
As in other states, an increasingly dire budget situation means that interest groups are feeling pressure to tone down their agendas and support cost-saving measures.
The Louisiana Sheriffs’ Association decided not to take a position on either bill this year, despite opposing last year’s good-time measure. Sheriffs are mindful of the state’s financial problems, even as their top priority continues to be public safety, said Michael Ranatza, the group’s executive director.
“In these economic times, we’re generally understanding of the plight of the state of Louisiana,” Ranatza said. “We want to be good statesmen, and we’re aware of the tremendous economic woes.”
District attorneys, who opposed key aspects of last year’s parole bill, decided they could live with this year’s version after the minimum time served was adjusted down to 33 percent of a second-time offender’s sentence, rather than the 25 percent originally proposed. Sex offenders and habitual felons would not be eligible for the early parole.
“If somebody appropriate for parole happens to qualify, and we save money and do it without risk to public safety, that’s a great thing,” said Adams of the District Attorneys Association. “The budget is shrinking. If we can save money without increasing risk, we’re open to these kinds of things.”
Steimel attributes the gains in the 2012 legislative session to several factors. Last year was an election year, making everyone — sheriffs, district attorneys, legislators — wary of rocking the boat. This year, a fresh crop of lawmakers is getting its bearings in Baton Rouge and may be more open to a different way of thinking. And there are the fiscal pressures making voters more likely to accept giving criminals a break if dollars can be saved.
“This is probably the best time to start this type of movement and reform, to start educating this new legislature,” Steimel said.
Lifers Get the Best Shot at Rehabilitation in Louisiana State Prisons — Part 3 in a 7 Part Series
Louisiana Is The World’s Prison Capital
Criminal Defense Attorney New Orleans
Elizabeth B. Carpenter, Esq. – Serving clients in Orleans, Jefferson, Terrebonne, Tangipahoa, St. Bernard, St. Charles, St. Tammany, St. John, Assumption and Plaquemines Parishes.
PART 6
PART 7
Angola Inmates Are Taught Life Skills,
Then Spend Their Lives Behind Bars

ANGOLA — People always said Johna Haynes was lucky because of the white hair that sprouted from the crown of his head since he was a baby. He acquired the nickname “Patch” from New Orleans police officers, who came to know him all too well. At 31, the patch has turned into a bald spot, the pale strands now dispersed throughout his close-cropped dark hair, leaving him prematurely gray. “And still lucky?” someone asked.
He looked around incredulously at his surroundings — a late summer Sunday afternoon in the Louisiana State Penitentiary’s west yard, men playing basketball and lifting weights, stray cats sunning themselves on concrete ledges, an idyllic scene if one did not look to the barbed wire fences in the distance.
“I’m lucky I’m alive,” he finally said.
Something — the white patch, divine intervention or just plain luck — spared Haynes from a violent death, the fate of his brother, stepfather, stepbrother, cousin and innumerable friends. It did not spare him from another well-traveled path out of the Florida public housing complex: the winding, achingly bucolic bus ride to the penitentiary commonly known as Angola, where his own father served more than a decade and where Haynes is slated to spend the rest of his life without the possibility of parole.
Haynes estimates he stole at least 160 cars and committed at least 130 robberies in a brief, prolific criminal career before he was locked up forever at the age of 21. When he worked at a Shoney’s restaurant in Metairie, he never once took the bus — he always arrived in style on stolen wheels. The guns he took from parked cars at Carnival parades or the Bayou Classic became the guns he carried while selling drugs and the guns he used to rob people.
He was shot at many times and watched others die, but he was never hit. Nor, he said, has he ever killed anyone. His dangerous lifestyle caught up to him in a different way — life without parole for pointing a gun at a man and making off with his car and valuables. Two previous convictions, for stealing a car and for trying to escape from police custody, made Haynes a habitual offender. A young thug was off the streets for good.
Louisiana leads the nation in the percentage of its citizens serving life without parole, fueling the state’s world-leading incarceration rate. Angola is clogged with prisoners who will grow old and die there. Like Haynes, many arrived as young African-American men from rough neighborhoods who wrote themselves a ticket to either prison or an early death by embracing the lawless ethos of their peers.
Some criminal justice experts believe life without parole should be reserved for heinous murders, solely as an alternative to the death penalty. The U.S. Supreme Court recently did away with the sentence for juveniles who have not committed murder; Haynes was barely out of his teens during his final armed robbery.
Yet it may have been Angola, and a life sentence, that saved Johna Haynes. Now, he wants a chance to show that he has changed.
Slow Transformation
A gun-toting menace does not transform overnight into a model inmate with a Bible in his back pocket.
Wilbert Rideau, the condemned murderer turned world-famous prison journalist who was freed in 2005, writes in his memoir that his own awakening at Angola came about gradually. Through reading books, he discovered a world beyond the brutal, impoverished one he knew.
Arriving at Angola in August 2002, Haynes spent more than a year laboring in the fields and living in a tiny cell among the worst of the worst. Good behavior eventually made him eligible for a spot in the main prison, with its dormitory-style sleeping quarters, vocational classes and inmate-led clubs. Once considered the bloodiest prison in the country, Angola is now known for giving lifers, who make up nearly three-quarters of its population, the chance to build meaningful lives behind bars, even as they are unlikely to taste freedom again.
Murderers and rapists have embraced the prison’s wholesome, Christian-influenced values. Cursing is banned for inmates and staff alike. Violence is rare in the minimum- and medium-security dormitories where most of the 5,100 inmates live. The men make wooden toys for needy children, teach each other the piano or banjo, preach through self-run religious organizations and entertain the public at the famous twice-yearly rodeo.
A seventh-grade dropout, Haynes completed his GED certificate and studied auto mechanics. He began reading on his own, partaking of the “locker library” run by literary-minded inmates who trade well-worn paperbacks out of the metal chests that hold all their earthly possessions. He became a devout Christian.
As with Rideau a generation ago, it was not any one moment but an accumulation of small moments that made the armed robber into the bookworm. It took being in prison, completely cut off from his old ways, for Haynes to realize that the law of the jungle — preying on the weak, selling drugs, getting killed over a few hundred dollars or a down jacket — was not the way most people lived.
Haynes is now a sophomore in the Angola Bible college, an extension of the New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary — the only bachelor’s program open to prisoners, leading to a B.S. in Christian ministry. He hopes his four children — a son, two daughters and a stepdaughter — will have the future he did not.
“The change I’ve undergone is for the best, because had I not straightened up I would most likely be as many of my friends who are deceased,” Haynes wrote in a letter. “It hurts me to know that a lot of them lost their lives before they even got to see life. But that pain has an element of positivity to it because I use it as fuel to power my dreams.”
Getting an Education
Angola is like a 9th Ward reunion. The man who used to sleep in the bunk above Haynes was a classmate from Carver Elementary. Haynes’ uncle is a fellow inmate. More than a dozen friends from the old neighborhood are now permanent companions at “The Farm.”

At Haynes’ urging, his two younger brothers moved to rural north Louisiana after Hurricane Katrina to escape the temptations of the street. Dwight Haynes made a new life for himself in Winnsboro.
The other brother, June, went back to New Orleans and was shot dead last February, at age 21. Johna Haynes called the killing “the worst thing that’s happened to me since I’ve been living.”
“There’s always periods in your odyssey where you feel like, ‘Man, I’m ready to leave this alone. I want to be with my kids. I want to have a family. I’m tired of looking behind my back,’ ” Haynes said. “But you just don’t have the education to get a job that’s going to provide for you. That I’m going to be a CEO today? You can’t say that. You can be a laborer; you can be a burger flipper or something like that.”
In prison, Haynes is finally getting the education that could have led to a better job on the outside. Heading to a tutorial for an electrician certification exam, Haynes grabbed a book to supplement the Bible he always carries. “I need something to read if there’s any down time,” he explained. His possessions, spread on his narrow bunk, could be cleaned up later. No one would steal from him, he said, since he has long ago established his reputation as someone not to be messed with.
A husky 6 feet 2 inches tall and weighing 280 pounds, Haynes has a broad face that breaks easily into a bemused grin when recounting the absurdities of his former criminal lifestyle. A tattoo of his mother’s name, Rachel, is visible above the neckline of his prison-issue white T-shirt. Janay, for his oldest daughter, is inked on his left arm, near a long scar where he was stabbed as a teenager in a fight over a girl. In 10 years, he has left the 18,000-acre prison once, to receive treatment for a stomach ailment.
To stay abreast of new technology and avoid becoming a Rip Van Winkle if he is ever released, he saves news clippings about Facebook and Twitter. He reads a trade magazine for chief financial officers, in case he achieves his dream of running a mobile car detailing and air-conditioning repair business. The flashcards he keeps in his jeans pockets are covered with words he wants to remember: “verve,” “esplanade,” “tetchy,” “detritus,” “paleontologist,” “saké.”
When he was running the streets, he had no need for books. Now, his body trapped, the life of the mind beckons. Cicero, Khalil Gibran, George Bernard Shaw and the 18th century theologian Jonathan Edwards are a refuge from the humiliating routines of prison life — stopping whatever you are doing to be counted three times a day; eating beans, rice and cornbread when you crave a pork chop; sleeping in an un-air-conditioned dorm with 80 other men at the height of Louisiana summer. Over the years, Haynes has scrounged a few extra towels to stuff under his bedsheet, making the stiff plastic mattress a touch more comfortable.
“I saw the cherry blossoms from Angola; reading is my escape,” he wrote of the Japanese novel “The Makioka Sisters,” set in pre-World War II Osaka.
‘A more moral person’
By Haynes’ own reckoning, he would have remained a thug at heart, ready to resume terrorizing innocent New Orleanians, had he received a shorter sentence at a prison that did not offer as many opportunities for self-improvement. He is unexpectedly candid in acknowledging that he needed a life sentence to appreciate the value of his life. But there needs to be an out, he said, a way to show that, after 10, 20 or 30 years behind bars, he is no longer a threat to society.
Louisiana lifers used to get out on parole after serving 10 years and six months. The law was changed in 1979 to “life means life.” Since then, Angola has been filling up with men who, barring a rare reprieve, will spend the rest of their lives there. The pardon board only intervenes in extraordinary cases, and even then, governors are reluctant to sign the release papers, fearing a politically damaging relapse.
“See, a lot of time when dudes come to prison, if their sentence is short, they can’t wait to go home,” Haynes said. “You have to put the person in the situation where it’s like cornering a cat. You’re going to go into this corner, and the only way you’re going to come out is as a changed person. If I’d had five years or 10 years, I don’t think I would have made this type of change.”
For Haynes and others like him, change means scrapping a violent, revenge-filled moral code reminiscent of the Hatfields and McCoys. The code requires that he kill anyone who disrespects him or his family. It allows, even expects, that he steal: “If I want it and he got it, I’m ‘a get it’ (from him),” in Haynes’ words.
Yet Haynes recalls simple acts of kindness from his youth in New Orleans, the nation’s most murderous city. He looked after a paralyzed neighbor, giving beer and massages to the wheelchair-bound man. He entered narrow passageways ahead of his companions to protect them from any gunfire that might be directed at him.
Troy Delone, one of Haynes’ closest friends at Angola, has become a religious man and a scholar in prison. When the two met in 2003, they were close in age, both from New Orleans housing projects, both deciding whether to try something new or keep bucking the system.
“Should I put myself in prison, while in prison? Stay in the cell blocks, Camp J — when is this going to stop?” as Delone put it, referring to the maximum-security parts of Angola where troublemakers reside with limited access to recreation or education.

Delone, 33, is a senior in the Bible college and a mentor in the Orleans Parish Criminal Court’s re-entry program for young offenders. He is serving two sentences of life without parole for a pair of armed robberies.
“Although he wasn’t that much on a positive road, he was always intelligent, book-wise,” Delone said of his friend. “Since then, he’s enhanced that. He’s grown spiritually and become a more moral person. More of the old Johna is diminishing, and he’s becoming a new person.”
Delone himself has changed so much in speech and manner that his street cred has diminished. The younger inmates he mentors regard him with wariness until he convinces them that he grew up in the Iberville projects and used to be just like them.
The other day in class, Haynes impressed John Robson, the college’s director, with an impassioned speech about the corrupt values he once lived by. A second-year student in a class of 100, he is a standout.
“He is really articulate. He is exceptional in his articulation, very transparent. He’s a blue-chipper,” Robson said.
Born to a Life of Crime
Although he barely knew his father, Haynes followed square in the old man’s footsteps. When he was born on Jan. 19, 1981, his father, Melvin Jones, was serving time at Angola for killing a man in a bar fight. When Haynes entered prison himself, his then-girlfriend was pregnant with his son, Johna Jr., now 10.
Haynes’ role model growing up was an older cousin named Turk, who schooled him in the ways of the street. By the time Turk died at 19 in a hail of semiautomatic fire, he had taught his protege well. Young Johna knew how to steal without the slightest prick of conscience, to keep a handcuff key in his pocket in case he was arrested, to target Dodges, Chryslers and Jeeps because they did not need to be hot-wired but could be started with a screwdriver in the ignition. He sold his first drugs at 11, pocketing a commission from a crack dealer who feared the buyers were undercover agents. At 13 and 14, he was peddling rocks with Turk in the Calliope housing project.
His mother, Rachel Haynes, who gave birth to him when she was 14, stayed in an abusive relationship with Johna’s stepfather for years before striking out on her own. She raised five children on welfare and then on a restaurant cook’s meager salary.
Johna, her oldest, was a bright student, but finishing his assignments early only gave him more time to goof off in class. After he dropped out in seventh grade, the authorities made him enroll in alternative schools, but he never lasted long.
“I was a single parent. I did the best I could. He was always in trouble,” Rachel Haynes said. “I told him, ‘Johna, you have to stop. The streets are going to catch up to you.’ … I wish he would have changed when he was out here and I was begging him to change.”
Stints in Orleans Parish Prison did nothing to scare Johna straight. At 18, riding in a stolen car on the way to a party, he tried to rob two men of their gold jewelry using a pellet gun. One of the victims had a real gun and shot Haynes’ 13-year-old friend. Even though he knew the police would come looking for him, Haynes kept vigil at the hospital for his young friend, who died that night.
In the squad car, Haynes’ handcuff key served its purpose. He jimmied the lock and made a run for it. He was never prosecuted for the attempted pellet gun robbery but was sentenced to a year for the attempted escape.
“I’m really not sure how many cars I stole. A number like 160 is pretty high, but it might be low,” Haynes wrote recently. “I remember a time when I was counting all the people I’ve robbed — I got up to 134 or 130. I hate these numbers! But guess what, I have no secrets. I appreciate where I’ve been, it just makes where I’m headed more beautiful. As for the cars, I’ll go with the 160, though it’s modest.”
On June 11, 2001, nearly a year after his release from prison, Haynes shoved a lady’s stocking over his head and pulled a gun on a man named Curtis Aubry outside an auto body shop on St. Roch Avenue. He grabbed Aubry’s possessions — two rings, a watch, a bracelet and $500 — and took off in Aubry’s car.
“It’s like once you do it, it’s addictive, it gratifies. Why sell drugs for 12 hours when you could steal it from someone?” Haynes said, recalling his former mindset.
After a half-day trial, an Orleans Parish jury found the 20-year-old guilty of armed robbery. Judge Julian Parker gave him the maximum — 99 years without parole — before then-District Attorney Harry Connick’s office upped the ante, charging him as a triple offender. On May 24, 2002, Parker resentenced him to life without parole.
Four days after Haynes committed his final armed robbery, the law changed. Louisiana legislators decided the two prior offenses on a multibill had to be more serious than those Haynes had racked up for auto theft and the escape attempt. The change did not apply to crimes that occurred before that date.
For Haynes, the downgrade would have made little difference, even had it applied retroactively. Ninety-nine years without parole for the armed robbery — a crime he admits he committed — still would have put him behind bars for the rest of his life.
Aging Population
Burl Cain is perhaps the most famous prison warden in the country because of the many films and books documenting life at Angola. Short and heavyset, his square face topped by a thatch of white hair, he delivers bon mots in a thick Louisiana drawl.
“Thug,” “pure rogue” and “animal” are some of the terms he uses to describe many of the newly convicted criminals entering his prison.
Yet he is a firm believer that “really horrible people” can change. Even Telly Hankton, who recently shocked New Orleans with the audacity of his brutal revenge killing and attempts to tamper with the justice system, could become a new man at Angola.
“I won’t be here, but in 25 or 27, 28 years, it’ll be interesting to see what he’s like,” Cain said of Hankton.
Louisiana is one of six states where all life sentences are handed down without the chance of ever going before a parole board. First- and second-degree murderers automatically receive life without parole, on the guilty votes of as few as 10 of 12 jurors.
Nearly 12 percent of Louisiana inmates, or more than 4,500 people, are serving life without parole — the highest proportion in the nation, according to a Sentencing Project report. While most have committed violent crimes, nearly one in 10 are locked up forever on drug or other nonviolent offenses. Three in four are African-American men.
In Texas, less than 1 percent of state prisoners are serving life without parole; the figure in Tennessee is 1.3 percent.
Cain sides with those who find the sentence morally objectionable because it assumes a person cannot be rehabilitated. Lifers like Johna Haynes should get periodic hearings before a parole board, Cain said — by no means a guarantee of release, but a chance to prove that a drastic transformation has taken place, provided the victim does not voice strong objections.
“I absolutely don’t believe in it,” Cain said, “because when you say, ‘Life without parole,’ you’ve given up on the criminal and said, ‘You cannot be helped and therefore you’re going to stay in jail until you die.’ ”
At Angola, a new arrival cannot be housed unless someone else is transferred out or dies. With three-quarters serving life without parole and one-quarter at least 50 years old, medical costs are skyrocketing at the same time the budget is shrinking due to state cutbacks. The much-praised hospice program, where younger inmates care for the dying, was born of necessity. At an average of $63.15 a day, a lifer who enters prison in his early 20s will cost taxpayers over $1 million if he lives past age 70.
Once a slave plantation, Angola is still a working farm, with thousands of acres of corn, peas, squash, beans and other crops under cultivation. But there are no longer enough able-bodied inmates to work the fields — only about 300 or 400, compared with 1,000 in past decades. The rest are too old or have graduated to other work assignments. Last year, Angola had to import workers from another state prison to bring in the harvest.
“I’m worried about prison being a place for predators and not dying old men,” Cain said. “That’s what it’s really for, and I want predators, sleeping in these beds, that’s going to hurt you — instead of a bunch of old men that’s creeping around on their last legs costing my budget a fortune.”
Cain occasionally advocates for inmates before the pardon board, but only a select few he believes have zero chance of committing another crime. By the time a man is into his 50s, “criminal menopause” has set in, with statistics showing older parolees much less likely to become repeat offenders. Known for infusing Angola with religion, Cain said Christianity provides a convenient package of values but is not the only path to change.
Rehabilitation is a slow process. It takes at least 10 years for change to take root, Cain said, and more like 20 to 25 to completely exorcise the criminal within. By that measure, Haynes is only halfway there. Even if he truly changes, his path to freedom is narrow. The law that allowed for his life sentence is no longer on the books, but at every stage, the odds are heavily stacked against tampering with a court’s verdict.
For tough-on-crime advocates, long sentences remove dangerous people like Johna Haynes from the streets, while also acting as a deterrent. People are capable of changing, but they should not be released from the penalty they brought on themselves, said Irv Magri, a former New Orleans police officer and president of the victims rights group Crimefighters.
“It may be harsh, but if you could pass a bill requiring life imprisonment for anyone pushing heroin or cocaine above a certain number of grams, I’m telling you, your crime rate is going to drop tremendously. They’re going to go somewhere else,” Magri said.
Hope For His Children
In ornate, left-tilting script, Haynes writes letters to his four children, taking care with his grammar and spelling to set a good example. He urges them to stay in school and out of trouble, to aspire to college and a good career, to not let the many family tragedies get them down.

They rarely write back. Instant gratification from video games and text messages is much closer at hand. He settles for annual visits at the prison’s Returning Hearts family day. His mother, who does not own a car and says she has not been able to arrange transportation, has not seen her son since he got married at Angola in 2005, a few months before Katrina. She has troubles of her own, recently serving time on a heroin charge and dealing with the shooting death of her youngest son, June.
Haynes and his former wife Esther, who is Johna Jr.’s mother, have since divorced, though he still considers her his “ideal.”
Janay, the daughter he had before he met Esther, is attending high school in Philadelphia, where she settled after Katrina.
Domonique — Esther’s daughter and Hayne’s stepdaughter — is a senior at Warren Easton High School. She aspires to be an attorney and interned for Orleans Parish Juvenile Court Chief Judge Ernestine Gray last summer.
Kayla, Haynes’ youngest daughter, also wants to be an attorney, but at 14, she has not been attending school. She experienced the juvenile justice system from the defendants’ side after stabbing another girl on the school bus. Two of her uncles, including Haynes’ brother June, died within a year of each other. There is only so much her father can do from prison, but his words carry weight because of his own troubled past.
“I think the only thing I can do while I’m in prison is write to her and encourage her,” Haynes said. “When I talk to her, she listens. We have this bond, this connect, between each other. She knows what I’m saying is true, what I’m saying is real.”
Between his studies, church and rehearsals for his gospel rap group, Haynes has little spare time. He usually plays on prison basketball teams but has been sidelined due to an Achilles injury. He is a regular at the law library, researching cases that might move his appeal forward, though success, especially without an attorney, is an extreme long shot.
Believing he will leave Angola someday requires a leap of faith. Does he ever picture himself as one of those elderly inmates in a wheelchair, a common sight at the prison? No, that would be too dangerous. He believes because he has to, because if he stops believing, he might stop his relentless quest to learn more, to become better, to guide his children in the right direction, to keep the old Johna at bay.
Never mind that during a decade behind bars, his lucky patch has vanished, leaving only scattered strands of gray. According to his newfound religion, God protected him on the streets of New Orleans when bullets flew, God is watching him behind the gates of Angola, and God will rescue him from the unyielding weight of life without parole when the time comes.
“I was a terrible kid. I was terrible,” Haynes said. “I look back on it and I say, ‘Man, God had to be with me,’ because there was a lot of times I should have been dead, a lot of times I’ve been shot at, a lot of things I did, that I didn’t want to be living. But God sees otherwise.”
Aggravated Assault with a Motor Vehicle — Louisiana
New Orleans Assault Criminal Defense Attorney
Elizabeth B. Carpenter, Esq. — New Orleans Premiere Criminal Defense Attorney
Serving Clients in Orleans Parish, St. Tammany Parish, St. John Parish, St. James Parish, St. Bernard Parish, St. Charles Parish, Assumption Parish, Tangipahoa Parish, Terrebonne Parish, Plaquemines Parish and Jefferson Parish.
Aggravated Assault with a Motor Vehicle Upon a Peace Officer — La RS 14:37.6
A. Aggravated assault with a motor vehicle upon a peace officer is an assault committed with a motor vehicle upon a peace officer acting in the course and scope of his duties.
B. For the purposes of this Section:
(1) ”Motor vehicle” shall include any motor vehicle, aircraft, watercraft, or other means of conveyance.
(2) ”Peace officer” shall have the same meaning as defined in R.S. 40:2402.
C. Whoever commits the crime of aggravated assault with a motor vehicle upon a peace officer shall be fined not more than five thousand dollars, imprisoned with or without hard labor for not less than one year nor more than ten years, or both.
Unlawful use of a Laser on a Police Officer — Louisiana
New Orleans Criminal Defense Attorney
Elizabeth B. Carpenter, Esq. — New Orleans Premiere Criminal Defense Attorney
Serving Clients in Orleans Parish, St. Tammany Parish, St. John Parish, St. James Parish, St. Bernard Parish, St. Charles Parish, Assumption Parish, Tangipahoa Parish, Terrebonne Parish, Plaquemines Parish and Jefferson Parish.
Unlawful use of a Laser on a Police Officer — La RS 14:37.3
Unlawful use of a laser on a police officer is the intentional projection of a laser on or at a police officer without consent of the officer when the offender has reasonable grounds to believe the officer is a police officer acting in the performance of his duty and that the officer will be injured, intimidated, or placed in fear of bodily harm.
Whoever commits the crime of unlawful use of a laser on a police officer shall be fined not more than $500.00 dollars or imprisoned not more than 6 months, or both.
Unauthorized Use of a Motor Vehicle — Louisiana
New Orleans Criminal Defense Attorney
Elizabeth B. Carpenter, Esq. — New Orleans Premiere Criminal Defense Attorney
Serving Clients in Orleans Parish, St. Tammany Parish, St. John Parish, St. James Parish, St. Bernard Parish, St. Charles Parish, Assumption Parish, Tangipahoa Parish, Terrebonne Parish, Plaquemines Parish and Jefferson Parish.
Unauthorized Use of a Motor Vehicle
A. Unauthorized use of a motor vehicle is the intentional taking or use of a motor vehicle which belongs to another, either without the other’s consent, or by means of fraudulent conduct, practices, or representations, but without any intention to deprive the other of the motor vehicle permanently.
B. Whoever commits the crime of unauthorized use of a motor vehicle shall be fined not more than five thousand dollars or imprisoned with or without hard labor for not more than ten years or both.

